By Mohammed Salam
Hizbullah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah's declared strategy tag is based on the single concept of "unity" –Lebanon's synonym to partnership- in sharp contrast with the movement's background that rests on a history of monopoly.
For over 16 years, ending on Aug. 14 2006, when U.N. Security Council Resolution 1701 enforced a ceasefire in the 34-day war with Israel, Hizbullah enjoyed a resistance monopoly in south Lebanon.
The Lebanese National Resistance Movement (LNRM), an underground alliance of leftist factions that fought Israel after its invading troops occupied Beirut in Sept. 1982, faced de facto dismantling of its network as Hizbullah was gaining the upper hand in the country that was run by Syria's army and intelligence agencies.
LNRM leaders and fighters were either assassinated or killed while trying to carry out attacks against Israeli troops occupying parts of south Lebanon. Some of them were "liquidated" before reaching the confrontation zone with what Hizbullah terms "the Zionist enemy."
However, after saying it is "no secret" that Hizbullah fighters are no more in the confrontation zone of south Lebanon, Nasrallah made a call for the creation of a "sole" multi-faction national resistance movement to liberate the Shabaa Farms.
Nasrallah even went as far as saying that "whoever has been banned from liberating (the Farms) should step forward to liberate (the area) and we'll be with him."
The key note in this National Resistance call by Nasrallah is "we'll be with him."
So Nasrallah wants Hizbullah, which did not even allow the regular Lebanese army into south Lebanon during its monopoly era, to return to the confrontation zone with Israel, but this time with "partners" under the banner of a "national" resistance movement.
The next move would, almost certainly, be a declaration forming this "national" resistance outfit, which would group Syrian-backed factions that form Lebanon's opposition.
The Arab Socialist Baath Party, Lebanon's chapter of Syria's regime, is expected to be part of the new resistance along with the Syrian Social National Party (SSNP) and Osama Saad's Popular Nasserite Organization.
It remains to be seen, though, whether the resistance frame as outlined by Nasrallah would include his two main Christian allies: Michel Aoun's Free Patriotic Movement and ex-MP Suleiman Franjieh's Marada faction.
Nasrallah had wanted both Aoun's FPM and Franjieh's Marada be represented in a government of "national unity" replacing the majority administration of Premier Fouad Saniora which the opposition has been trying in vain to topple since Dec. 1.
But how would the Nasrallah-designed "national resistance" structure, irrespective of whether it represents all the opposition factions or not, manage to launch attacks against Israeli troops in Shabaa Farms?
First they would have to cross the 23-kilometer deep buffer south of the Litani river patrolled by the Lebanese army and troops of the U.N. Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL).
Geographically, Nasrallah's "liberation" road to Shabaa Farms goes through UNIFIL's area of operations. This is a fact.
Was Nasrallah setting the stage for a "national" war on UNIFIL?
That remains to be seen, especially that the Saniora government has been working for putting the Shabaa farms under U.N. control pending a settlement of its fate, which Syria doesn't facilitate.
The region was occupied by Israel in its 1967 war against Syria, Jordan and Egypt.
Beirut, 30 Jan 07, 14:54
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